December 7, 2014 (SSNA) — One may put this question in the largest form. Has any benefit or progress ever been achieved by the South Sudanese by submission to organised and calculated violence?
As we look back over the long story of the nations we must see that, on the contrary, their glory has been founded upon the spirit of resistance to tyranny and injustice, especially when these evils seemed to be backed by heavier dictatorship.
Since the dawn of the South Sudan dictatorial era, a certain way of life has slowly been shaping itself among the South Sudanese peoples, and certain standards of conduct and government have come to be esteemed.
After many miseries and prolonged confusion, there arose into the broad light of day the conception of the right of the individual; his right to be consulted in the government of his country; his right to invoke the law even against the State itself. Independent Courts of Justice were created to affirm and inforce this hard-won custom.
Thus was assured throughout the English-speaking world, and in France by the stern lessons of the Revolution, what Kipling called, "Leave to live by no man’s leave underneath the law." Now in this resides all that makes existence precious to man, and all that confers honour and health upon the State.
We are confronted with another theme. It is not a new theme; it leaps out upon us from the Dark Ages – tribal persecution, religious intolerance, deprivation of free speech, the conception of the citizen as a mere soulless fraction of the State.
To this has been added the cult of war. Children are to be taught in their earliest schooling the delights and profits of conquest and aggression. A whole mighty community has been drawn painfully, by severe privations, into a warlike frame. They are held in this condition, which they relish no more than we do, by a party organisation, several millions strong, who derive all kinds of profits, good and bad, from the upkeep of the regime.
Like any other dictatorial regime, Salva Kiir’s government tolerates no opinion but their own. Like the Communists, they feed on hatred. Like the Communists, they must seek, from time to time and always at shorter intervals, a new target, a new prize, a new victim.
The Dictator, in all his pride, is held in the grip of his Party machine. He can go forward; he cannot go back. He must blood his hounds and show them sport, or else, like Actaeon of old, be devoured by them. All-strong without, he is all-weak within. As Byron wrote a hundred years ago: "These Pagod things of Sabre sway, with fronts of brass and feet of clay."
No one must, however, underrate the power and efficiency of a totalitarian state. Where the whole population of a great country, amiable, good-hearted, peace-loving people are gripped by the neck and by the hair by a dictator or a reign of terror tyranny – for they are the same things spelt in different ways – the rulers for the time being can exercise a power for the purposes of war and external domination before which the ordinary free parliamentary societies are at a grievous
We have to recognise this. And then, on top of all, comes this wonderful mastery of the air which our century has discovered, but of which, alas, mankind has so far shown itself unworthy. Here is this air power with its claim to torture and terrorise the women and children, the civil population of neighbouring countries.
This combination of medieval passion, a party caucus, the Chinese’s weapons of modern science, and the blackmailing power of air-bombing, is the most monstrous menace to peace, order and fertile progress that has appeared in South Sudan since the Ugandan’s "invasions of South Sudan"
The culminating question to which I have been leading is whether the world as we have known it – the great and hopeful world of before the war, the world of increasing hope and enjoyment for the common man, the world of honoured tradition and expanding science – should meet this menace by submission or by resistance. Let us see, then, whether the means of resistance remain to us today.
We have sustained an immense disaster; the renown of Juba based government is dimmed. In spite of her brave, efficient army, her influence is profoundly diminished. No one has a right to say that South Sudan, for all her blundering, has broken her word – indeed, when it was too late, she was better than her word. Nevertheless, Nuer ethnicity lies at this moment abashed and distracted
before the triumphant assertions of dictatorial power.
But it is not only in South Sudan that these oppressions prevail. Rwanda is being torn to pieces by a tribal military clique; the poor, tormented Rwandan people there are making a brave and stubborn defence. The ancient empire of Ethiopia has also been overrun. The Ethiopians were taught to look to the sanctity of public law, to the tribunal of many nations gathered in majestic union.
But all failed; they were deceived, and now they are winning back their right to live by beginning again from the bottom a struggle on primordial lines. Even in South America, the Nazi regime begins to undermine the fabric of Brazilian society.
Far away, happily protected by their "white army" you, the people of the people of South Sudan, to whom I now have the chance to speak, are the spectators, and I may add the increasingly involved spectators of these tragedies and crimes.
We are left in no doubt where South Sudanese conviction and sympathies lie; but will you wait until South Sudan freedom and independence have succumbed, and then take up the cause when it is three-quarters ruined yourselves alone?
I hear that they are saying in juba that because IGAD and AU have failed to do their duty therefore the South Sudanese people can wash their hands of the whole business. This may be the passing mood of many people, but there is no sense in it. If things have got much worse, all the more must we try to cope with them.
For, after all, survey the remaining forces of civilisation; they are overwhelming. If only they were united in a common conception of right and duty, there would be no war. On the contrary, the South Sudanese people, industrious, faithful, valiant, but alas! Lacking in the proper spirit of civic independence, liberated from their present nightmare, would take their honoured place in the vanguard of human society.
I can remarked that the people of South Sudan are slaves
because they had not learned to pronounce the word "No." Let that not be the epitaph of the English-speaking peoples or of Parliamentary democracy, or of France, or of the many surviving liberal States of Europe.
There, in one single word, is the resolve which the forces of freedom and progress, of tolerance and good will, should take. It is not in the power of one nation, however formidably armed, still less is it in the power of a small group of men, violent, ruthless men, who have always to cast their eyes back over their shoulders, to cramp and fetter the forward march of huma destiny.
The preponderant world forces are upon our side; they have but to be combined to be obeyed. We must arm. Britain must arm. America must arm. If, through an earnest desire for peace, we have placed ourselves at a disadvantage, we must make up for it by redoubled exertions, and, if necessary, by fortitude in suffering.
We shall, no doubt, arm. Juba goverment, casting away the habits of centuries, will decree national service upon her citizens. The South Sudanese people will stand erect, and will face whatever may be coming.
But arms – instrumentalities, as President President Kiir called them – are not sufficient by themselves. We must add to them the power of ideas. People say we ought not to allow ourselves to be drawn into a theoretical antagonism between tribalism and democracy; but the antagonism is here now. It is this very conflict of spiritual and moral ideas which gives the free countries a great part of their strength.
You see this dictator on his pedestal, surrounded by the bayonets of their soldiers and the truncheons of his police. On all sides heis guarded by masses of armed men, cannons, Ugandan’s aeroplanes, fortifications, and the like – he boast and vaunt himself before the world, yet in his heart there is unspoken fear. He is afraid of words and thoughts; words spoken abroad, thoughts stirring at home – all the more powerful because forbidden – terrify them.
A little mouse of thought appears in the room, and even the mightiest potentates are thrown into panic. They make frantic efforts to bar our thoughts and words; they are afraid of the workings of the human mind. Cannons, airplanes, they can manufacture in large quantities; but how are they to quell the natural promptings of human nature, which after all these centuries of trial and progress has inherited a whole armoury of potent and indestructible knowledge?
Dictatorship – the fetish worship of one man – is a passing phase. A state of society where men may not speak their minds, where children denounce their parents to the police, where a business man or small shopkeeper ruins his competitor by telling tales about his private opinions; such a state of society cannot long endure if brought into contact with the healthy outside world.
The light of civilised progress with its tolerances and co-operation, with its dignities and joys, has often in the past been blotted out. But I hold the belief that we have now at last got far enough ahead of barbarism to control it, and to avert it, if only we realise what is afoot and make up our minds in time. We shall do it in the end. But how much harder our toil for every day’s delay!
Is this a call to war? Does anyone pretend that preparation for resistance to aggression is unleashing war? I declare it to be the sole guarantee of peace. We need the swift gathering of forces to confront not only military but moral aggression; the resolute and sober acceptance of their duty by the English-speaking peoples and by all the nations, great and small, who wish to walk with them. Their faithful and zealous comradeships would almost between night and morning clears the path of progress and banish from all our lives the fear which already darkens the sunlight to hundreds of millions of men.
Gai James Kai is a Law at Nkumba University – Kampala and an independent columnist who has written numerous articles on politics, democratic, human rights, law and order. He can be reached via [email protected] or add him on Facebook by searching for the above names.